Faculty Lecture

• Crossing the Bridge that Divides: Cultural Sensitivity and the Forensic Interview
• Interviewing Minority Children

Required Reading

Wyatt, E. (1990). Sexual abuse of ethnic minority children: Identifying dimensions of victimization. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 21. 338-343.

Holmes, L., & Sellars, I. (1997). Awareness of racial, ethnic, cultural differences. In, Coordination of child protection cases: A guide for child protection services, law enforcement, and county attorneys in Minnesota.

Aronson Fontes, L. (1995). Consider culture in counseling for sexual abuse. The Family Digest, 8(1).

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1. Why the need for cultural sensitivity? There are at least two compelling reasons. First, cultural ignorance, insensitivity or bias may impair our ability to protect some children from abuse or neglect. This can happen in myriad ways. For example, our insensitivity may cause a child to shut down and otherwise refuse to communicate with us. Second, insensitivity could lead child protection officials to label benign conduct such as cupping or coining as "abuse." For a possible framework for sorting through this issue, see Sherri Y. Terao, Joaquin Borrego, Jr, and Anthony J. Urquiza, A Reporting and Response Model for Culture and Child Maltreatment, 6 child Maltreatment 15 8 (May 2001)
2. Cultural sensitivity begins long before the forensic interview.
   1. Know the dynamics of abuse. The process by which children disclose abuse has been presented as a model entitled the "Child Sexual Abuse Accommodation Syndrome." According to this model, the victimization of a child is engulfed in secrecy. Because the child is often abused by an authority figure, she feels trapped and helpless. In dealing with the abuse, the child victim accommodates or accepts the relationship. When the child discloses the abuse, it is often an unconvincing disclosure. For example, a family conflict may trigger the abuse allowing the perpetrator to contend that his attempt to discipline the child resulted in a fabrication of abuse. Subjected to familial and societal pressure, the child typically recants the allegation of abuse. Indeed, Dr. Roland Summit concludes that "(u)nless there is special support for the child and immediate intervention to force responsibility on the father, the girl will follow the 'normal' course and retract her complaint." Roland C. Summitt, M.D., The Child Sexual Abuse Accommodation Syndrome, Child Abuse and Neglect 3 (1985); Roland C. Summitt, Abuse of the Child Sexual Abuse Accommodation Syncrome, Journal of Child Sexual Abuse 41(1992). Another framework, entitled the traumagenic model, explains the impact of sexual abuse on children. First, traumatic sexualization results in shaping the child victim's sexuality in a "developmentally inappropriate and interpersonally dysfunctional fashion as a result of sexual abuse." Second, a sense of betrayal results when the child victim discovers that "someone on whom they were vitally dependent has caused them harm." Third, the victim feels powerless as a result of the fact the child's "will, desires, and sense of efficacy are continually contravened." Fourth, stigmatization is the final dynamic and "refers to the negative connotations~e.g. badness, shame, and guilt — that are communicated to the child around the experiences and that then become incorporated in the child's self-image." Finkelhor and Browne, The Traumatic Impact of Child Sexual Abuse: A Conceptualization, american journal of orthopsychiatry 55(4) October 1985
   2. Know that the dynamics of abuse can be more pronounced in children victimized by bigotry. Researcher Gail Wyatt notes that the four dynamics of abuse victims identified by Finkelhor and Browne would also be present in children victimized by discrimination. She notes, for example, that "some ethnic minority children and adults may internalize these negative expectations about their sexual attitudes and behavior." Such a result, she claims would parallel traumatic sexualization. Exposure to bigotry and discrimination may cause parallel feelings of betrayal, stigmatization and powerlessness. Gail E. Wyatt, Sexual Abuse of Ethnic Minority Children: Identifying Dimensions of Victimization, 21 Professional Psychology: Research and Practice 338-343 (1990).
   3. Identify the various racial, ethnic and religious cultures in your community. What cultures, other than your own, are you likely to deal with in your job? As one commentator notes, "child abuse professionals in most parts of the country are highly likely to work with ethnic minority families because these are overrepresented in the child welfare system." Lisa Aronson Fontes, Introduction: Those Who Do Not Look Ahead, Stgy Behind, 6(2) Child Maltreatment 83,84 (May 2001).
   4. Educate yourself about the history of the people you will be serving. As one commentator notes, this "knowledge should occur on a broad cultural level (e.g. how did a Southeast Asian community emerge in your city?) as well as on an individual level (how does it happen that a specific Southeast Asian client lives in your city?)." Fontes, Consider Culture in Counseling for Sexual Abuse, 8(1) The Family Digest, International Association of Marriage and Family Counselors.
   5. Develop diversity in your multi-disciplinary teams and in child maltreament leadership positions. As one commentator notes, "White people (I am one) may face hardship for other reasons, but we are not followed in stores, denied bank loans, or stopped by police because of our race." Fontes, Child maltreatment article, supra, page 84. Accordingly, a diverse team will assist all members in understanding unique dynamics that may be at work in the lives of some of the children we interview.
   6. Develop links with the diverse cultures in your community. In the rural, Minnesota community where I served as a prosecutor, we did a diversity training for our MDT and then set up a series of meetings with leaders in the local Lao community to discus issues of common interest and to build necessary bridges. The county attorney's office also designed a six-week training course to teach immigrants about the legal system. Victor I. Vieth, In My Neighbor's House: A Proposal to Address Child Abuse in Rural America, 22 Hamline L. Review 143,176 (1998).
3. Cultural Sensitivity during the forensic interview
   1. Include culturally diverse artwork, etc in your CAC or child friendly-interview room.
   2. Make sure all services, paperwork and outreach materials are readily available in the language of the families you will be working with.
   3. Make sure all the tools that may be used in the interview are culturally appropriate. For example, anatomical drawings and dolls should reflect the race and ethnicity of the children you are interviewing. Can you imagine asking an African-American child "which doll looks most like you?" and the only dolls you have are European-American.
   4. Be sensitive to the possibility of a non-traditional family. When, for example, you inquire as to a child's family, be aware that the child's "dad" could be a step-dad or a boyfriend of mom. Don't act shocked if a child says he has two moms or dads.
   5. Remember that each interview is unique. Interviewers from the same group may be mismatched and people from different ethnic backgrounds can work cooperatively together. Your goal is to establish a professional relationship characterized by trust and acceptance.
   6. Look for clues during the interview of potential cultural issues. For example, if a child asks "am I still a virgin in God's eyes?", the interviewer should follow up with a question such as "what makes you wonder that?" The child may then open up to deep-seated religious issues that the perpetrator may have taken advantage of.
   7. Cultural sensitivity requires us to think broadly. Cultural considerations include race, ethnicity, language, sex/gender, socio-economic status, sexual orientation, disability; age, and religion. Problem areas may include:
      1. The child's experiences. If a child has had extensive, negative experience with law enforcement, that could impair your ability to develop rapport with the child. If the child is part of an immigrant family, he/she may fear deportation. If the child has been exposed to domestic violence and has previously witnessed one or both of his parents being arrested, that may increase the child's apprehension about speaking to a law enforcement officer or otherwise trusting the "system." This is one more reason why law enforcement officers who conduct forensic interviews should be in plain clothes. In such a scenario, it may be necessary to devote more time to developing rapport with the child before exploring the sensitive topic of abuse.
      2. Language. Be prepared for the child's language. The interviewer should mirror the child's language. If you don't understand a term the child uses, simply ask. In some cases, you should use an interpreter. See attached article.
      3. 3. Socioeconomic status. Child abuse cuts across all socioeconomic levels. People have difficulty believing that abuse happens in "good" families. Jon Benet? Louise Woodward? Woody Allen? Some studies suggest that "perpetrator socioeconomic status seemed to influence a professional's decision to report an incident to CPS with perpetrators of low socioeconomic backgrounds more likely to be reported." Fontes, Child Maltreatment article, supra at 160, citing G.L. Zellman, The Impact of case Characteristics on Child Abuse Reporting Decisions, 16(1) child abuse and neglect 57-74 (1992).
      4. 4. Male victims. The victimization of boys is dramatically under-reported in part because boys are afraid of being stigmatized as weak, gay, or both. Boys are also more likely to be threatened with physical violence. All of this may create a barrier between the victim and the interviewer. Perhaps a simple reassurance that the interviewer has talked to lots of boys about stuff like this may be helpful in easing this barrier. Such a comment lets the child know he or she is not alone.
      5. 5. Teen victims. There are several potential problems with this group. For example, some teens may not view themselves as victims. They may claim, for example, they are in love with their adult boyfriend. It is also easy to blame this population for their abuse. The victim may have fear of what his Qr her own pleasure, passivity or response might mean in the context of disclosure. When interviewing this population, it may not be appropriate to mirror their language (they may think you are trying to be hip and thus only end up looking, at best, ridiculous). If possible, prepare the interview room for teen victims.
4. After the interview.
   1. a. The MDT should consider culture in conducting the rest of the investigation. The team should ask the family about religious or other cultural practices that may impact on the child victim or that may be mistakenly labeled as abuse. Be wary, though, to verify the accuracy of a caretaker's pronounced culture. Some perpetrators claim that abusive conduct is part of their religion or culture when, in fact, it is not.
   2. b. The MDT should consider a child's culture in selecting therapy and other services. I have worked with a number of victims, for example, who ask questions such as "am I still a virgin in God's eyes?" Questions such as this are red flags that the child has a cultural or religious issue that needs to be addressed.

Note: My thanks to Devon Lee, former NCPCA staff attorney, for all her work in developing a cultural diversity curriculum for our forensic interviewing course, Finding Words. I borrowed heavily from Devon's work.

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Understand and acknowledge racism

• Racism does exist
• Racism is real for the clients
• Be willing to recognize racism in society, in the social service system, in your agency, and in yourself

Understanding the reality of cultural difference versus deficit

• It's all right for people to be different and have different styles
• Don't adopt a color blind /culture blind approach

Understanding and manipulating contextual factors

• Trust in a strange/stranger situation derives from context
• Situational context (is it a safe place?)
• Role context (is the person safe?)
• Activity context (is the activity safe?)
• Trust also derives from identification (feeling understood)

Issues and Strategies

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Reprinted with permission from:
Wyatt, E. (1990). Sexual abuse of ethnic minority
children: Identifying dimensions of victimization.
Professional Psychology: Research and Practice. 21. 338-
343

Abstract

This article describes sexual abuse as well as several other dimensions of victimization, such as institutional racism, that American ethnic minority children are likely to encounter. Some of these other forms of victimization parallel the dynamics of child sexual abuse and posttraumatic stress disorder. The Four Traumagenic Dynamics model, which examines the dynamics of the effects of child sexual abuse, is applied to the experiences of ethnic minority children. The importance of assessing a variety of victimization experiences in this population is discussed.

Introduction

Psychologists are increasingly becoming aware of the initial and lasting effects of child sexual abuse as indicated in articles included within this special section (Alpert, 1990; Finkelhor, 1990).

Many factors that place a child at risk for sexual abuse have been identified, but research has yet to document a consistent relationship between ethnicity and child sexual victimization. For example, a study using a community sample of African American and White American women found no significant differences in the prevalence of at least one incident of child sexual abuse between the two groups (Wyatt, 1985). In another community sample, however, the prevalence rates of child sexual victimization were reported to be higher for non-Hispanic Whites (8.7%) when compared with Hispanics (3.0%; Siegel, Sorenson, Golding, Burnam & Stein, 1987).

Research has also paid less attention to other ethnic groups such as Native Americans and Asian Americans than to African American and Hispanic/Latino samples. In addition, there is very little empirical documentation on both the prevalence and effects of child sexual abuse in male ethnic minority children. In view of the limitations of current studies, gender and ethnicity, examined separately or together, cannot be ruled out as child sexual abuse risk factors.

Limitations of current research on the prevalence of child sexual victimization notwithstanding, one study indicated that socioeconomic status and other environmental, family, and life experience problems were associated with poor adjustment for 14 Black female incest survivors (Russell, Schurman & Trocki, 1988). Depressive disorders, alcohol and drug abuse, phobias, and panic disorders have been noted in Hispanic male and female child abuse victims when compared with a non-Hispanic cohort (Stein, Golding, Siegel, Burnam & Sorenson, 1988).

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These findings suggest that, although initial reactions to sexual abuse may not reveal ethnic differences, especially when Black-White comparisons are made (Wyatt, in press), there may be some aspects of ethnic minority children's lives that affect long-term adjustment to these traumatic experiences and prevalence rates as well. This article identifies and describes other dimensions of victimization that American ethnic minority children may encounter. It is quite possible that researchers and clinicians are overlooking other forms of victimization when the prevalence and effects of sexual abuse are assessed. These additional victimization experiences may complicate professionals' understanding of the sequelae associated with child sexual abuse and their interpretations of those events. Treatment plans may not take them into consideration in spite of the fact that they require attention concomitant with the sexual abuse trauma. Ethnic minority children need to be assessed for the presence of multiple forms of victimization because they are likely to experience institutional racism throughout life as children of color. In addition, exposure to violence and crime and to natural disasters could have a cumulative impact on children's feelings of well-being. Clinical intervention strategies that address the variety of traumatic experiences these children encounter are discussed.

Victimization as a Result of Sexual Abuse and Racism

In 1985 David Finkelhor and Angela Browne published the traumagenic dynamics model of child sexual abuse. This model describes a variety of different dynamics that can account for various symptoms related to child sexual victimization (also see Finkelhor, 1990). The dynamics are now discussed.

Traumatic sexualization "refers to the conditions in sexual abuse under which a child's sexuality is shaped in developmentally inappropriate and interpersonally dysfunctional ways" (Finkelhor, 1988, p. 69). This dynamic is discussed more fully in this special section (Tharinger, 1990).

In the betrayal dynamic, "children discover that someone on whom they were vitally dependent has caused them or wishes to cause them harm" (Finkelhor, 1988, p. 70). Children may also feel betrayed by nonoffending family members. Betrayal may occur when they realize that their mothers or other important persons were unable or unwilling to protect them.

Stigmatization involves the communication to the child victim of negative messages about having been abused. These messages tend to label the child as "spoiled," "tarnished," or "queer," if the victim is male. Victims also feel "different" from their peers because they may have a secret life full of undisclosed experiences. They feel stigmatized because of the way in which people react to them.

According to the dynamics of powerlessness, "children feel that they are not in control of their bodies and lives. Their will, wishes, and sense of self-efficacy are repeatedly overruled and frustrated" (Finkelhor, 1988, p. 71). Their well-being as well as their lives are threatened by being victims of child sexual abuse.

These dynamics are cited widely in research that examines the long-term effects of child sexual abuse (see Wyatt & Powell, 1988).

Ethnic minority children, however, encounter other experiences that parallel the dynamics of child sexual abuse. Consider a reformulation of these four dynamics using racism as another form of victimization.

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Traumatic Sexualization

There have been numerous accounts of stereotypes of Black sexuality written for the lay and professional audience, respectively (Campbell, 1989; Poussaint, 1974; Wyatt, Strayer & Lobitz, 1976, 1982a, in press). Essentially, stereotypes of Black sexuality increased when Christian missionaries went to Africa and observed tribal sexual practices that were in contrast to Christian doctrine (Goldstein, 1948; Vontress, 1971). The stereotypes implied that Africans were bestial and sexually impulsive and needed to be controlled for fear that they would engage in "primitive sexual practices" (Dow, 1992; Thomas, 1910). The following are recent examples of how sexual stereotypes influence professional judgment in research and clinical practice with regard to Blacks. First, at a recent symposium on adolescence, a well-known researcher stated that, "You have to go to the second grade to find adequate samples of Black male virgins to include in research." Second, during a therapy session, a Black woman described her first visit to a gynecologist at age 13 for a pelvic exam. The physician attempted to use an adult speculum until the woman complained of extreme pain. He called the nurse and requested the appropriate pediatric speculum used for chidden and women who have not been sexually active. The doctor did not believe that this woman, at age 13, had not had intercourse, even though she had said so during the history-taking phase of her visit. Stereotypes of Blacks, Hispanics/Latinos, Asians, and Native Americans are also conveyed almost daily in the media. Thus, ethnic minority children's sexual development may be influenced by society's assumptions that they are sexually precocious. Latino men and women have often been described as Latin lovers, baby makers, hot blooded, and passionate but quick-tempered individuals (Slaughter, 1989). Similar statements have been made about Native American men and women. Stereotypic statements about Asian women have focused on their mysterious knowledge of ways to sexually please their partners and to submit to men, in general (Rolling Stones Records, 1978).

One might discount these examples because they have no empirical basis, but the fact remains that these messages are extremely pervasive in our society. As a result, some ethnic minority children and adults may internalize these negative expectations about their sexual attitudes and behavior. They may subsequently attempt to emulate the inappropriate sexual behaviors of stereotypic characters portrayed in the media rather than follow their own inclinations that reflect their values and religious and cultural beliefs (Wyatt, Strayer & Lobitz, 1976).

There may be a variety of factors affecting patterns of sexual activity. Recent research has found a relationship between abusive sexual experiences and early onset of coitus among adolescent girls (Wyatt, 1988). Countless ethnic minority children who are included in the statistics of sexually active adolescents also have histories of child sexual victimization. Traumatic sexualization may have occurred for many of these children; their awareness of sex as a means of emotional gratification may have influenced the early onset of voluntary sexual practices. Some of these children and youth have been revictimized by social scientists who mistakenly attribute their sexual behavior solely to willful decisions about sex and overlook the impact of sexual abuse on adolescent sexual activities (Wyatt, 1988). Few empirical studies offer descriptive information about the sexual practices of various ethnic minority populations. Clinicians and researchers need

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to examine their own ethnocentric attitudes regarding sexuality and avoid making assumptions that perpetuate sexual stereotypes of ethnic groups.

Betrayal

Ethnic minority children are subject to as much racial discrimination as their parents. When children become aware of racism (Rotheram & Phinney, 1987), they are shocked to discover that the world is not a good place (Janoff-Bulman, 1985). By the time they reach adulthood, they have become accustomed to their own visible ethnic characteristics, such as skin color, hair texture, facial features, and spoken language, and may recognize them as barriers to "the American dream." Feelings of betrayal often emerge when ethnic minority children first realize that "something" about them makes them different from other children. Incidents that may lead to this realization include not being called on in class by their teachers, being assigned a seat in the back of the classroom, being physically assaulted by peers, being called racially derogatory names, and being ridiculed and taunted about visible ethnic characteristics. Even more devastating is being excluded from activities in which the child's peer group participated and being placed in "special classes" as a result of difficulties in mastering English. To this day, ethnic minority families encounter racial discrimination when they attempt to purchase homes in all-White neighborhoods. Crosses and swastikas are still being placed on lawns and walls as reminders of racial hatred (Slaughter, 1989; Wyatt, 1989). Children look to their parents for protection and for provisions of life's necessities and comforts. When children encounter racial discrimination, they often do not know who to blame; consequently, they make their parents responsible for not protecting them from racial slights. Some of these incidents are subtle and subject to multiple interpretations. As a consequence, children who have the courage to speak out and to question the discriminatory treatment they encounter are often labeled "too sensitive" by adults who assume that they should be able to ignore other children who are "cruel" and "hateful." Respected adults such as teachers, police officers, and counselors may be among those who overlook children's feelings about racial discrimination and their pleas for help with preventing racial incidents. Thus, instead of being supported, children may be blamed for their responses to racial incidents.

Some children are likely to be disappointed in their perceptions of parental omnipotence, including the ability to ward off harm, as parents are unable to alter societal attitudes, protect them from traumatic experiences, and offer them all the right and privileges their peers enjoy. Consequently, ethnic minority children may sometimes feel betrayed by their parents.

Stigmatization

There is no question that children of color have often been labeled as "less than good" in our society. The trauma that children experience as a result of racism is likely to shatter their assumption that they are safe and good, or that the world is just and that bad things do not happen to good people (Janoff-Bulman, 1985). They are not considered equal to their White peers unless they prove themselves to be equal through their behavior, intelligence, and sheer will to overcome racial barriers. When children prove their abilities and demand their rights, they still may suffer in the process. Parents may sometimes seek therapy for their high-achieving African American, Latino, Asian, or

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Native American children because they are often constantly exposed to derogatory racial slurs, can suffer from low self-esteem, depression, and experience social and emotional isolation. These experiences are particularly devastating for children today, who are not old enough to remember the civil rights movement of the 1960s. They do not understand the current sociopolitical trends that compromise the progress made by ethnic minorities and women over the last 30 years. The racism they experience is often more subtle, and they lack the healthy paranoia or anticipation of racism needed to assess situations with racially motivated intent.

Ethnic minority children see themselves as "tarnished" and as "spoiled goods," and wonder, "Why me?" Feelings of low self-worth are common among those who become aware of the stigmas associated with their ethnicity. Without well-balanced knowledge of their ethnicity and culture and a positive sense of their ethnic selves, children are likely to internalize these stigmas.

Powerlessness

Ethnic minority children experience powerlessness in this society for several reasons. First, it is difficult to feel power when the adults in one's environment lack a sense of control over their lives in such important areas as employment, housing, and education. Second, it is hard to determine how to feel powerful when one's heroes and role models are not from one's own group. Many ethnic minority adults who grew up during the 1950s and 1960s watched a variety of television shows that portrayed minorities primarily as domestic workers, criminals, drug pushers, or prostitutes. Similar messages are still conveyed through media today, although in a more subtle manner (Martin & Tucker, 1989). Ethnic history has often been the only source of information that clarifies the contribution of people of color, but it is seldom integrated into world history courses. Third, it is difficult to feel powerful if one's body space is repeatedly invaded: People step in front of minorities in lines, are waited on first by salespersons before minorities, or mistake minorities for service workers in public places. Children are often deemed to be gang members, rarely scholars. A lifetime of such experiences is likely to diminish a person's sense of power in the world.

These four dynamics of child sexual abuse demonstrate that racism in our society can affect children in similar ways. Consequently, behavioral sequelae cannot be attributed to sexual victimization alone, but also to traumatic experiences encountered as an ethnic minority.

Other Forms of Victimization

A recent issue of the Los Angeles Times Magazine features an article entitled, "Children of Violence" (Timnick, 1989). The article described the following incident: A 19-year-old gang member was shot in Watts, California. His body, covered with blood, lay on the sidewalk, as children walked to school. One small boy said, "I go in and get under the bed and come out after the shooting stops" to explain how he copes with living in an area where shootings often occur (p. 6). His reaction is not unlike that of someone trying to survive a war. Unfortunately, these incidents do not necessarily involve just one neighborhood or one ethnic group. They appear to have increased in frequency and involve individuals of various ethnic groups (Wyatt, 1989). "Violence, prostitution and

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murder are everyday events in the environment of too many American children," said Senator Edward Kennedy at a recent Senate hearing (Landers, 1990, p. 24). Research (Eth & Pynoos, 1985; Pynoos & Eth, 1985a, 1985b) also suggests that increasing numbers of ethnic minority children are witnessing scenes such as the one just described. However, the effects of these incidents are not assessed by standard measures of psychopathology in children. Similarly, the acts of violence that children observe are rarely assessed in clinical interviews unless their presenting problems specifically involve witnessing such acts.

Recent crime statistics indicate that one violent crime occurs every 25 seconds: one murder every 29 minutes, one forcible rape every 8 minutes, one robbery every 65 seconds, and one aggravated assault every 48 seconds (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1985). These figures suggest that crime and violence are an integral part of American life, making it likely that many children will encounter them. Calvin Frederick is an expert in examining the effects of traumatic and violent experiences. His work has included interviews with individuals involved in the Iran hostage crisis, the Janafi Muslim hostage crisis, the New Mexico prison riots, the Atlanta murders of young Black children, and the Jonestown massacre. He has also interviewed prisoners of war and witnesses of murders, assassinations, major disasters, and sexual and physical assaults. From his research, it becomes apparent how likely it is that children have witnessed some traumatic events and may immediately experience symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) as well as more pervasive psychological effects. The older the child at the time of the catastrophic event, the more severe the psychological reaction tends to be (Frederick, 1986a).

Innocent bystanders witnessing a violent act or a homicide are indirectly victimized. Adults can experience homicide-related PTSD, particularly when being exposed to a criminal or alcohol-related vehicular homicide (Kilpatrick, Resnick & Amick, 1989). Similar reactions have been noted in children (Timnick, 1989).

When a family loses one of its members in a homicide, the emotional trauma can often be exacerbated by police investigations and court proceedings (Amick-McMullan, Kilpatrick, Veronen & Smith, 1989). In essence, the family, including children, can be indirectly revictimized by the aftermath of an act of violence perpetrated on a family member. Being directly victimized in a crime has also been associated with long-term psychological trauma (Frieze, Hymer & Greenberg, 1987). The degree of injury sustained during criminal victimization as well as the level of threat of serious harm perceived by the victim has also been associated with crime-related PTSD (Kilpatrick, Resnick & Amick, 1989). Recent research has also revealed that adjustment factors such as greater exposure to stress and life-threatening experiences among ethnic minorities is associated with higher PTSD prevalence rates among combat veterans (Buie, 1989). Studies of violence and other traumatic (and terrorizing) events have begun to document the effects of these experiences on children. Children need to attribute meaning to trauma that does not make any sense to them. By so doing, they may actually traumatize their peers (Frederick, 1986b; Kilpatrick, Resnick & Amick, 1989; Kilpatrick, Saunders, et al., 1989). For example, children who initiate a game of "gang banging" may relive trauma that they recall, but may frighten their peers by involving them in their game. They may also act out their anger and confusion about trusting the world and may blame themselves or others for being involved in frightening events. In addition, they may be a

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high risk for a variety of other emotional, social, and academic problems. They may live in home where other family problems have occurred (Frederick, 1986a). Finally, they may experience PTSD and other pervasive psychological problems and be unable to express the terror of their experiences except through indirect methods such as drawings, if at all (Frederick, 1986b; Timnick, 1989).

More research is needed to document a range of traumatic childhood experiences that are no longer figments of imagination but reality. Some of these events can remind children daily of their vulnerability and powerlessness. All of these experiences impact children's responses to revictimization, sexual or otherwise. Thus, children of ethnic minority or economically deprived backgrounds, and those whose families experience other social and psychological problems, may be at a higher risk of encountering multiple forms of victimization than their peers. There is current documentation that African American women are at risk to experience more than one incident of sexual abuse in childhood (Wyatt, 1985).

Intervention Strategies and Discussion

This article examines forms of victimization ethnic minority children are likely to encounter: racial discrimination as well as other forms of violence. Seldom are these other dimensions of victimization included in an assessment of child victims of sexual abuse.

As health professionals become increasingly aware of the prevalence and effects of sexual abuse, it becomes critically important to examine the cumulative impact of other forms of victimization. They symptoms children report or exhibit may be the result of multiple abusive experiences, such as witnessing violent, catastrophic, or terrorizing events, or being personally involved in such incidents.

Ethnic minority children may also be at high risk to encounter institutional racism. Depending upon their specific ethnic group affiliation, their history of immigration, including reasons for leaving their country of origin, years in this country, their living arrangements, neighborhood and language spoken, as well as a variety of high-risk family problems and economic resources, they may experience additional victimization that can severely impact their well-being.

Many of the dynamics of racial discrimination and racist thinking parallel the dynamics of child sexual abuse. It is important for clinicians and researchers to first assess the multiple forms of victimization to separate the effects of child sexual abuse from those of other traumatic events. Second, the cumulative impact of these experiences should be assessed. Furthermore, treatment of one form of victimization is less likely to be effective unless all forms are included in the therapeutic intervention. It would be less than meaningful to help children develop a sense of sense of self without helping them to develop a stronger positive sense of their ethnic selves.

Consequently, clinicians should assess the variety of victimization experiences that children have encountered. This can be accomplished by asking children if they have (a) ever had a bad or upsetting experience because of their skin color, facial features, hair texture, or cultural or religious values; (b) ever witnessed someone being beaten, shot, or killed; (c) ever been in an area that was bombed or where people were fighting; or (d) ever witnessed an earthquake, tornado, or hurricane.

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Subsequent questions about the circumstance of each of these events and the immediate as well as lasting effects on psychological and cognitive functioning can add to the profile of traumatic experiences children may have encountered in addition to sexual abuse.

Clinicians should also conceptualize how the effects of these experiences may manifest themselves in children's social, emotional, cognitive, and sexual functioning and their self-concept. For example, a child who recalls being isolated from peers because of ethnic or cultural issues who witnesses a violent act against a family member and who has been sexually abused may have far more pervasive feelings of negative self-esteem that have been reinforced by these incidents. The child may simply register a dislike for persons of his or her own ethnic group, when that dislike is symptomatic of negative experiences that have been attributed to skin color, being in a certain family, or living in a certain neighborhood. The underlying reasons for these feelings, however, need to be addressed. Finally, a treatment program should be planned that addresses all types of victimization, including a variety of therapeutic techniques — drawings, role playing, reading, family history taking, keeping diaries, and play therapy, depending upon the age and needs of the child. Clinicians must also realize that more than one therapist may be required if these emerging issues are beyond the areas of comfort and expertise of the primary therapist.

Suggestions of this nature raise questions about the qualifications of clinicians to address multiple forms of victimization. Unfortunately, there is little consistency among clinical training programs on the content of information offered regarding sociocultural issues or ethnic-specific psychotherapy. Some programs consider a single lecture adequate to prepare a clinician for work with children of different ethnic and cultural backgrounds. Other programs are comprehensive in their coverage of didactic and experiential training in these areas (Wyatt & Parham, 1985).

It is the responsibility of the clinician or psychologist-in-training to request additional training or supervision or to make the appropriate referrals to meet the needs of the ethnic minority child. The families of these children often require a great deal of support as well as help in dealing with agencies that provide protective, legal, and psychological services. However, ethnic minority families may have reason to mistrust these agencies because of past experiences with racial or class discrimination (Wyatt, Newcomb, & Notgrass, 1990). In spite of their concerns about the sincerity and knowledge of professionals offering services, they may also require family therapy to learn to cope with the effects of violent acts on family life.

Our knowledge of the prevalence and effects of child sexual abuse is still incomplete, particularly for children from ethnic minority backgrounds. Other dimensions of victimization can complicate and exacerbate the dynamics of sexual abuse. However, unless all dimensions are adequately assessed and treated, we may be overlooking the cumulative impact of equally traumatizing experiences on ethnic minority children's social, emotional, and cognitive functioning and thus risk revictimizing them by our oversight.

References

Alpert, J. Introduction to Special Section on Clinical Intervention in Child Sexual Abuse. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 1990,21:323-324.

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Amick-McMullan, A., Kilpatrick, D.G., Veronen, L.J. and Smith, S. Family Survivors of Homicide Victims: Theoretical Perspectives and an Exploratory Study. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 1989,2:21-35.

Buie, J. Age, Race and Gender All Influence Post Traumatic Stress Disorder. ATA Monitor, December 1989, p. 32.

Campbell, B.M. Myths of Black Male Sexuality. Essence Magazine, April 1989, p. 71.

Dow, G.S. Society and Its Problems. New York: Crowell, 1922.

Eth, S. and Pynoos, R.S. Post-traumatic Stress Disorder in Children. Los Angeles, CA: American Psychiatric Association, 1985.

Federal Bureau of Investigation. FBI Uniform Crime Reports, U.S. Department of Justices. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1985.

Finkelhor, D. The Trauma of Child Sexual Abuse: Two Models. In: G.E. Wyatt & G.J. Powell (Eds.), The Lasting Effects of Child Sexual Abuse. Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1988, pp. 61-82.

Finkelhor, D. Early and Long-term Effects of Child Sexual Abuse: An Update. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 1990, 21:325-330.

Finkelhor, D. and Browne, A. The Traumatic Impact of Child Sexual Abuse: A Conceptualization. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 1985, 55:530-541.

Frederick, C.J. Children Traumatized by Catastrophic Situations. In: S. Eth& R.S. Pynoos (Eds.), Posttraumatic Stress Disorder in Children. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press, 1986a, pp. 73-97.

Frederick, C.J. Post traumatic Stress Disorder and Child Molestation. In: A.W. Burgess & C.R. Hartman (Eds.), Sexual Exploitation of Patients by Health Professionals. New York: Praeger, 1986b, pp. 133-142.

Frieze, I.H., Hymer, S. and Greenberg, M.S. Describing the Crime Victim: Psychological Reactions to Victimization. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 1987, 18:299-315.

Goldstein, M. The Roots of Prejudice Against the Negro in the United States. Boston, MA: University Press, 1948.

Janoff-Bulman, R. The Aftermath of Victimization: Rebuilding Shattered Assumptions. In: C.R. Figley (Ed.), Trauma and Its Wake: The Study and Treatment of Post-traumatic Stress Disorder. New York: Burnner/Mazel, 1985, pp. 15-35.

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Kilpatrick, D.G., Resnick, H.S. and Amick, A. Family Members of Homicide Victims: Search for Meaning and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder. Paper presented at the 97th Annual American Psychological Association Convention, New Orleans, LA, August, 1989.

Kilpatrick, D.G., Saunders, B.E., Amick-McMullin, A., Best, C.L., Veronen, L.J. and Resnick, H.R. Victim and Crime Factors Associated with the Development of Crime Related Post-traumatic Stress Disorder. Behavior Therapy, 1989, 20:199-214.

Landers, S. Increase in Violence Scars Urban Children. APA Monitor, January 1990, p. 24.

Martin, S.S. and Tucker, M.B. The Trouble with Rabbits. Black Film Review, 1989,5:24-25.

Poussaint, A. Cheap Thrills that Degrade Blacks. Psychology Today, February 1974, pp. 22, 26, 30, 90.

Pynoos, R.S. and Eth, S. Children Traumatized by Witnessing Acts of Personal Violence: Homicide, Rape, or Suicide Behavior. In: S. Eth & R.S. Pynoos (Eds.). Post-traumatic Stress Disorder in Children. Los Angeles, CA: American Psychiatric Press, 1985a, pp. 19-43.

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Stein, J.A., Golding, J.M., Siegel, J.M., Burnam, A. and Sorenson, S. Long-term Psychological Sequelae of Child Sexual Abuse: The Los Angeles Epidemiologic Catchment Area Study. In: G.E. Wyatt & GJ. Powell (Eds.), The Lasting Effects of Child Sexual Abuse. Newbury Park: Sage, 1988, pp. 135-154.

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Thomas, W.H. The American Negro: What He Has, What He Is, and What He May Become. New York: Macmillian, 1910.

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Vontress, C. The Black Male Personality. Black Scholar, 1971, 2:10-16.

Wyatt, G.E. Identifying Stereotypes of Afro-American Sexuality and Their Impact upon Sexual Behavior. In: B. Bass, G. Wyatt and G. Powell (Eds.), The Afro-American Family: Assessment, Treatment and Research Issues. New York: Grune and Stratton, 1982a.

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Reprinted with permission from: Holmes, L., & Sellars, I. (1997). Awareness of racial, ethnic, cultural differences. In, Coordination of child protection cases: A guide for child protection services, law enforcement, and county attorneys in Minnesota.

The section aims to promote a knowledge and understanding of Minnesota's principal racial and ethnic groups. Although the information does not give official or legal guidance, it does point to the crucial role children's culture plays in their development. An appreciation of diverse cultures enables agencies to deal more effectively with families of color. It also helps them handle child protection cases where potential conflicts arise from different cultural practices.

As the number of Minnesota children of color continues to increase in proportion to the size of the total child population, so does the need to recognize their diverse cultures. Statistics show that six percent of the state's total population represents people of color, but eight and a half percent of all Minnesota children are children of color. (Kids Count Minnesota, 1994 Report, 1990 Census Data.) In 1991, nine percent of Minnesota school children were children of color but in 1994 that number had increased to 12.5 percent. Therefore, according to the Department of Children, Families and Learning, the number of school-aged children of color is rapidly increasing.

How do these statistics impact the child protection system? A report titled "Children in Out of Home Place-ment", 1993, published by the Minnesota Department of Human Services, states that although only five percent of all Minnesota children are children of color, 36 percent of all children entering placement are children of color. These figures show that children of color make up a disproportionate number of those entering the child welfare system.

Professionals need know about the different populations they serve or may serve in the future. Bates says, "To properly assess the behavior and practices of any individual or family, one needs a working knowledge of the cultural, social, and economic groups from which they come. One also needs a conscious motivation to think about the situations being observed and to look for points of difference, conflict, or congruence with the larger society." (p. 12) We must consider these facts whenever we develop protocols or try to improve the ways in which professionals in a particular jurisdiction coordinate their efforts. "To succeed, workers need an awareness and acceptance of cultural differences, an awareness of their own cultural values, an under-standing of the "dynamics of difference," basic knowledge about the client's culture, and the ability to adapt practice skills to fit the client's cultural context." (Focal Point, 1988.)

Issues of equality, rights, and safety must concern workers in the child protection system. Although our country was founded on the principle that "all persons are created equal," for too many persons of color in this country, this idea has been more myth than reality. The United States was created by groups who were known at one time or another

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as minorities. In the formative years, our nation came to be known as a melting pot and a place where an opportunity for a better way of life existed for everyone. However, principles of equality have been and will continue to be challenged, violated and discussed.

Professionals must also confront issues of race and ethnicity and be aware of discrimination, sensitivity, values and biases. They need to know how to focus on the positive attributes of the family's culture and be able to serve families in ways that emphasize their strengths. Equipped with this knowledge, professionals can better address and treat the needs of the child and the family. An insen-sitive professional may increase the harm to the child by alienating the family, thus deterring members from working on child protection issues.

Acknowledgment and acceptance of cultural and ethnic differences are neces-sary. It may be important to acknowledge this awareness directly to the individual or family involved. We can do this by asking a family to give us some information about their culture (Leung, Cheung & Stevenson, 1994). Using simple statements such as "tell me how your family.." or "how does your family identify its cultural or ethnic background?" helps us to explore the family's cultural background. When we do make these inquiries, we realize that the way we ask the question is as important as the information we seek. Our purpose is to understand the family dynamics, not to "turn off the person being questioned by appearing rude or disrespectful.

Economic conditions also influence the structure of families of color. According to the 1990 census data, the state-wide poverty rate for American Indian children was 55% and the rate for African American children was 49%. "In fact, the rate of poverty for children of color exceeded the statewide average for all children in 77 of 87 counties in Minnesota. (Minnesota Kids: A Closer Look, 1994.)

Child protection workers are more likely than county attorneys, their assistants, and law enforcement officers to have received extensive train-ing in cultural sensitivity. Regardless of how much train-ing they have received, the fact is that continued training and education on issues related to diversity and cultural aware-ness is a must for any professional in any county and should be part of multidisciplinary training. Here are some guidelines for cultural assessment. (Bates, p. 12 and 13.):

1. Respond to a person of color first as someone with unique needs, feelings, personality traits, etc., and then as a member of a specific ethnic group which influences those needs, feelings and personality traits.

2. Because all people of color tend to be at least bi-cultural, they must integrate value systems that may conflict. Do not assume that knowing one's ethnic identity tells you much about their values.

3. Do not treat all cultural information you have heard or read about as "facts" which affect all persons of color. Discover what elements affect the person with whom you are interacting and use this knowledge in your next encounter.

4. Actively engage the individual in learning what aspects of cultural history, values, and lifestyle affect the person's problem.

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5. Identify strengths in the person's cultural orientation which can be built upon and help the person deal with those aspects of bi-culturalism that cause dissonance.

6. Recognize your own ethnicity and biases and how they influence your attitudes and professional practices.

7. Because many people of color do not have access to the economic resources of our society, determine how well a person is managing in response to a culture of ethnicity or a culture of poverty.

It is by developing this awareness that a person becomes more self aware. This self-awareness is an on-going process and includes a critical and honest appraisal of one's own attitudes, values and beliefs. "To ignore behavior because one is overwhelmed or intimidated by another's culture is as inappropriate as being insensitive to culture in assessing behavior." (Bates, p. 12.)

As in all relationships, the family involved with child protective services or an abuse prosecution situation quickly becomes aware of the true beliefs and attitudes of the professionals they deal with. TEAM members and their colleagues should begin by first assessing their own individual prejudices and biases. At the end of this chapter, we have included a sample self-assess-ment tool created by Dr. Oliver Williams of the University of Minnesota School of Social Work to assist TEAM members to understand their own opin-ions and how they developed. The TEAM may also want to discuss the tool and responses to the issues raised by the tool at one of the group meetings.

Regardless of their level of training or years of experience, professionals who work in the criminal and juvenile court system need to continually broaden their knowledge and understanding of the role of cultural values and differences. For example, a child protective service worker needs to consider: the family style, the role of the elders in the family, the source of ultimate authority,

the mobility of the family, male and female issues, and child raising practices.

This chapter is but one starting point to help group members to learn about and focus on issues of culture. It should not be considered a recipe or check list to attain "cultural competence". The TEAM should use this manual to improve their group discussions and bring cultural issues "out in the open". When discussing culture, it is easy to focus solely on the differences between cultures. TEAMs should also recognize and discuss the similarities among themselves and the families they work with. TEAM members may find that conducting the self-assessment provided at the end of this chapter might provoke a great deal of discussion among members. In addition, TEAMs might also create their own discussion questions, such as the following:

• How do culture and pov-erty intersect in families and how might one sepa-rate the two in making assessments?
• How is culture affected by the social context in families?
• How have certain cultures developed over time and how are they constantly changing in Minnesota?

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Providing specific guide-lines about cultural awareness is extremely difficult. Obviously we do not deal with all Minnesota's racial and ethnic groups in this section. Like-wise, these generalizations do not acknowledge the many exceptions and differences individuals within cultures have.

In Minnesota, we can identify four major groups of people of color. These include: American Indian, African American, Chicano and Latino, and Asian and Pacific Islanders. These are four extremely broad and diverse groups with a wide range of differences within each. A common difference within these groups is the degree of "acculturation" of the individual. As the individual's culture meets with other cultures, the individual may adapt in various ways and these affect their behaviors and values. (Harrison et. Al., 1990.) When we assess or provide services to a family, we need to acknowledge how important their own culture is to them.

There are additional cultural differences within the following groups related to urban or rural life style, economic status, religious beliefs, and attitudes related to discipline, sexual preference and social issues.

The information that follows is brief compared to the rich re-sources that are available about each culture. The information provided is not meant to nor should it be used to stereotype individuals into certain groups. However, we want to give some basic information about what the most recent literature suggests are the broad principles and values of each group and we give a general description of child raising practices within the groups. We hope this provides a starting point for professionals attempting to provide all of Minnesota's children with the optimum level of protection.

Asian Pacific Families

One version of this section was reviewed and updated by for Mr. Albert De Leon, Director of the Council on Asian-Pacific Minnesotans, and Bich Ngoc Nguyen, Minnesota Department of Human Services.

1. Guiding Principles and Values: The value systems and cultural attributes of Asian Pacific families are, by necessity, generalizations. There may be wide variations due to social class and the length of time the family has lived in the United States. (Bhargava, 1995.) Asian Pacific families will also vary depending upon individual ethnicities such as South East Asian, Filipino, Korean, Chinese, Japanese, etc.
   1. Harmony: Maintaining harmony and good relations in the home and with others is very important. In order to prevent offending or hurting someone's feelings. Asians will avoid direct confrontation, and avoid expressing anger or displeasure. (Menard, 1995.) Often this behavior is misinterpreted as stubbornness.
   2. Losing Face: To an Asian, embarrassing oneself means embarrassment of one's family. The stigma of losing face is frequently used by the family and Asian societies to control deviant behavior. (Menard, 1995.) Professionals should avoid targeting individual family members and making them look bad in front of other family members. (Font, 1994.)
   3. Respect for Elders: Elders are highly regarded in Asian cultures. (Front, 1994.) Elders are revered, and considered wise in their judgment and behavior. They maintain an influential role in the family and are consulted before any decisions are made.
   4. Proper Form: Roles in an Asian family are numerous and more clearly defined than in traditional American culture. Tradition, decorum and proper form are very important and are often strictly followed in social status and customs (Bhargava, 1995.)
   5. Family Loyalty: Primary loyalty is to the family. Many Asians feel they are expected to form lasting relationships and must make them work. Exposing family problems brings shame and embarrassment to the family and can lead to community rejection (Bhargava, 1995.)
   6. Extended Family: Although the extended family is important, family structure is based more on the couple relationship. (Gibbs and Huang, 1990.) However, the well-being of extended family and community usually comes before the well-being of the individual. Many Asians do not have extended family here in the United States and may experience a sense of isolation. (Bhargava, 1995.)
   7. Body Form: The head is considered the sacred part of the body. It is offensive to touch Asians on the head or shoulder unless both shoulders are touched. To some groups, hugging may be done only to children and by close friends or relatives. Men are not supposed to touch women in public.
   8. Marriage at Early Age: It may be common in this culture for men and women to marry at a very early age.
2. Child Rearing Practices:
   1. Children are viewed as gifts from "God".
   2. Female family members generally rear the children and children maintain close bonds with their mothers. The father is often a strong authority figure. (Menard, 1995.)
   3. Children's needs are readily met. However, parental judgment is not to be questioned. (Hong & Hong, 1991.)
   4. Up to age five, a child's behavior is accepted, usually without formal disciplining. Parents tend not to discipline or place extensive limits on their children.
   5. Role modeling impresses on children the importance of following the example of the conduct of their superiors.
   6. The younger are submissive to the elder and, in some instances, the woman to the man. (Fong, 1994.)
   7. Physical punishment is more acceptable for older children and in some cultures this punishment may become excessive.
   8. Older children help to care for younger children.
   9.  
3. Additional Cultural Factors:
   1. Amerasians: Professionals must consider the special issues raised when dealing with children of American fathers. All Amerasian children, as defined by federal law, are now adults.
   2. Adopted children: Foreign born children adopted by European American persons have special needs related to their cultural heritage, in addition to the potential issues surrounding their adoption.
   3. Recent Immigration: More than two-thirds of the Asian population are immigrants and refugees. Many of these families may be struggling to preserve their culture in a new environment. It is important for professionals to learn as much about the culture of the families' home county as possible. (Fong, 1994.)
   4. Language barriers: Counties should develop lists of agencies and individuals who can provide interpretation services in as many dialects and languages as possible.
   5. Fear of established systems: Many Asians fear the legal system and related agencies. They may feel that to seek help for them-selves is a selfish act, and may be slow to trust those who try to help them. (Bhargava, 1995.)
   6. Stereotype as "model-minority": Many Americans believe that Asian Americans are more successful than other minorities. Actually most Asian Americans do not earn as much as similarly qualified whites and are underrepresented among upper-level executives (Menard, 1995.)

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African American Family

This section was reviewed and commented on by Denise Revels Robinson, former Director, Family and Children's Services Division, Minnesota Department of Human Services; by Joanne Neal Sloan, former Minority Recruitment Specialist, Minnesota Department of Human Services; and by Linda Finney, Special Agent in charge, Bureau of Criminal Apprehension.

1. Guiding Principles and Values: The African American family who is reared in white society may share many of the society's dominant values such as work ethic, goal orientation and achievement orientation. However, often African Americans have been forced to reshape their values from traditional African philosophy to combat the oppressive racial conditions of American society. The history of segregation and slavery in the African-American culture is an important piece of history when attempting to under-stand how the Black American family responds to intervention by the law enforcement and child protection system.
   1. Spontaneity Description: Many African Americans feel there should be no restraints in dealing with people and life.
   2. "Being real" is expressed in a free and sometimes impulsive approach to life.
   3. Authenticity: Phoniness is not generally accepted in black families.
   4. Humor: Humor has been a valuable survival, as well as entertainment, tool for the Black community. Humor has been used as a successful defense mechanism to shield the family from hostile forces.
   5. Family Love: Family before self. The family atmosphere emphasizes strong family ties and unconditional love. (Lewis, 1991.)
   6. Spirituality: The role of the Black church and religion has long been a strength of the Black community. In fact, studies have noted the important role of religion in enhancing life satisfaction in a national sample of African Americans. (Harrison et. al., 1990).
   7. Reliance on Extended Family: This is a mutual aid system where dependent family members are taken into the home of relatives until they are ready for independence. These relative homes are available at any moment. In this population, many adult children may raise their children in the homes of their parents. (Harrison et. al., 1990.)
   8. Informal Adoptions: Informal adoptions are related to the importance of extended family. Relatives take in children on either a temporary or perm-anent basis when a family member is not able to give adequate care to the child. Often, informal adoptions occur out of economic necessity: parents are not financially able to care for children, one or both of the parents die, or a child falls victim to abuse or neglect or, in some instances, the parents do not want or are unable to care for the child. Child-keeping has always existed in the Black community and it appear that formal legislation, rather than the African American community, has deterred this concept.
   9. Kinship: Most Black family structures involve a system of kinship ties. This extended family provides support for family members in many ways. It is during times of crisis or celebration that the extended family is most visible and provides needed emotional support.
   10. Family Make Up: The Black Family is unique in that it is comprised of several individual households, with the channels of authority reaching beyond the household units that compose it. (Harrison et. al., 1990.)
2. Child Rearing Practices:
   1. Families Tend to be Child-Oriented: The concern is for the welfare and development of the child. The parent-child bond centers on the un-conditional expression of love.
   2. Protection of the Child: The family plays an important role in protecting the child from the hostile society by emphasizing the learning of survival techniques. "Unique child-rearing techniques found in African American families seem to be geared to prepare the child for a particular kind of existence in a hostile racist environment." (McAdoo, 1981, p. 82.)
   3. Child-Rearing Responsibilities: Traditionally, child rearing is the female's responsibility (Lewis, 1991), however, male members of the family often take an equal part in the child-rearing decisions.
   4. Caretaking Responsibilities: Older children help in the care of younger children and serve as role models. A high value is placed on "mothering", whether the person is male or female. (Harrison et. al., 1990.)
   5. Household Responsibilities: The children, when able, are expected to assume household responsibilities. Children of Black families will typically take on these responsibilities at a younger age than children in European American families. Within many Black families, gender is not a significant as the completion of the task itself. However, in other households, boys may be taught "masculine" tasks, while girls are taught "feminine" responsibilities.
   6. Children are taught to be strong and independent.
   7. Discipline techniques of Black parents are characterized as being direct. It is a strict, no-nonsense approach to discipline which may include physical punishment.
3. Additional cultural factors: This section provides insight into some additional strengths of Black families.
   1. Legitimation of Beingness: Through the parent-child (sibling and other familial relation-ships), the family provides its members with a source of connection, attachment, validation, worth, recognition, respect, and legitimacy. If one is secure in one's own personal meaning, then one is more capable of addressing and responding to complex, vague, and unfamiliar experiences confronted outside the home.
   2. Provision of a Family Code: By providing its members with a "family code" (guidelines for behaving in novel or confusing situation), the family, via interpersonal relationships, aids its members in interpreting, managing, and responding to both known and undefined situations.
   3. Elasticity of Boundaries: Legitimation of Beingness and the provision of a family code produces an elasticity in African American family interpersonal relationships. The unbreakable bond and associated rules of conduct give African American family members the latitude and opportunity to stretch out and develop their own sense of "specialness" without fear of violating the family-hood. In a sense, the phrase or label, "the elasticity of boundaries", is indeed a literal interpretation of this phenomenon, in that family boundaries stretch to accommodate the various expressions of individual styles, personalities, and/or conditions. The sense of almost unconditional permanence or undeniable belonging strengthens family members' ability to respond to their unique concrete condition in ways that satisfy or are peculiar to their individual and personal needs.
   4. The Provisions of Information/Knowledge: This feature gives members the benefit of shared insights and experiences, and by so doing, strengthens their ability to interpret and understand the events and happenings that affect their lives. The trans generational mutual sharing of knowledge and experience heightens the individual member's (young and old) ability to address, manage, and respond to the rapidly changing, as well as constant conditions, in their reality.
   5. Mediation of Concrete Conditions: The family kinships' ability to mediate the conflicts and other concrete conditions affecting its members provides a strength or support which many Black families rely on. Clearly, the family's ability to provide its members with concrete aid and pragmatic help and to engage in interpersonal relations around problem solving and decision making (in response to both external and internal issues) while constantly buffering and repairing the damage resulting from racism and oppression directed at its members is a critical strength.

27-29

Chicano-Latino Family

This section was reviewed and updated by Donna Hernandez and Ricardo Gomez, both of Ramsey County Human Service Department. Subsequent revisions were reviewed by Patricia Ray, the Ombudsperson for Spanish Speaking Families

1. l. Guiding Principles and Values:

   1. Religion: For most Latino families, religion is pervasive in each member's life. Typically the cultural value system is based on religious principles which support the family focus discussed below. (Harrison et. al., 1990.)
   2. Extended Family: The family typically provides the core of Latino culture. Most individuals feel a strong feeling of identification, loyalty, and solidarity with parents and extended family. The extended family often includes distant relatives, non-blood related friends and neighbors. The family provides its members with financial help, security, and social life. Studies have shown that even Latino's who consider themselves "acculturated", still perceive a strong sense of familial support. (Harrison et. al., 1990.)
   3. Compadrazgo: This term embodies the vital kinship link which commits members of the family to help each other. Most families rely on this kinship system for all their social support, particularly in a time of crisis. According to Latino service providers nation-wide responding to a survey, the extended family and friend network was usually relied upon when the safety of a Latino child was in question. (National Latino Child Welfare Advocacy Group, 1996.) "It is utilized as a means of parenting and caring for its children from birth to adulthood." (Izaksonas, 1991).
   4. Padrino and Madrina: Most children have a god-mother and god-father who are very involved in their up-bringing. In addition to insuring the proper tracking of the child in the difficult road towards adulthood, the Padrino and Madrina are responsible for: "securing a proper education; securing proper moral and spiritual upbringing; providing financial support; providing guidance and discipline; providing nurturance". (Izakosonas, 1991.)
   5. Compadre: Parents may have an important friend who commits to caring for the children in the event of sickness, death, economic problems, etc.
   6. Dignidad: As an extension of religious beliefs, most Chicano-Latino individuals place a high priority on honor, dignity and pride.
   7. Mutualism: There is often a sense of shared responsibility among members of a group, especially members of the extended family. Most individuals will put cooperating and supporting the group above individual desires and needs.
   8. La Raza: Most Chicano-Latino individuals are proud to identify themselves as part of their race. For many, this racial identity is much stronger and more important than citizenship in a particular county.
   9. Fatalism: Many individuals feel that there is only so much an individual can do in the face of destiny.
   10. Sharing/Generosity: This is a very important value among the Chicano-Latino population. Most individuals obtain a sense of worth in terms of their service to others, especially family. Most Chicano-Latinos are motivated by a sense of community as opposed to a sense of individualism typical to many Americans.
   11. La Verguenza: The importance of religion has led to an effective method of punishment to children. Most families will "shame" the child as a form of punishment to children. Most families will "shame" the child as a form of punishment to correct socially or morally unacceptable behavior.
   12. Isolation: For many families who have recently immigrated to the United States, the import-ant role of the extended family may be lacking. Many of these families may experience extreme isolation in comparison to the family involvement they experienced prior to immigrating. A language barrier may compound this condition.
2. Child Rearing Practices:
   1. Women are the primary child caretakers. Women also make most of the household decisions.
   2. Fathers usually dispense punishment and mothers frequently act as peacemakers and protectors from father's punishment.
   3. Sexual roles are clearly defined: Fathers are at least the nominal authority figures. Mothers are the child's caretakers. Girls are given less freedom and are more carefully observed than boys. Women are also a subtle power "behind the throne".
   4. Child care responsibilities are shared by others in the extended family when parents are unable to provide for their children.
   5. Children without parents are absorbed through informal adoptive systems.
   6. Children are taught obedience and respect for older members of the family as well as for elders in the community.
   7. Good manners, respect for parents and relatives and appropriate sexual behavior are rewarded and reinforced.
   8. Verbalization may proceed, replace or accompany punishment. Shaming is also used.
   9. Parents feel that they have a legal or moral right to reprimand children. Much of this belief may be based on religion.

29-33

American Indian Family

Much of this section includes information from Risk Assessment and the Native American Family, by Charles Horejsi et. al., Department of Social Work, University of Montana, Missoula, Montana. It was also reviewed by Rose Robinson, former Indian Child Welfare Advisor, Minnesota Department of Human Services, and Jan Werness, Southern Minnesota Regional Legal Services, Inc., on behalf of the Minnesota Indian Affairs Council. The second edition was reviewed by Georgia Wettlin-Larsen, Indian Child Welfare Advisor, Minnesota Department of Human Services.

1. Guiding Principles and Values: The value system of American Indian groups are as diverse as are other aspects of their lifestyle. The Ojibwe and Sioux-Dakota cultures are most prominent in Minnesota. However, there are some values that appear to be generic and are shared by most groups. How these values are expressed or interpreted by the group may be affected by the social and political customs and their religious beliefs.
   1. Present Oriented: Priority is placed on the present.
   2. Time Consciousness: Daily and seasonal time considerations are followed.
   3. Non-material Oriented: Many Native Americans will give away what they have and are not concerned with material possessions. Given the value placed on hospitality and on sharing what you have with other family members, it is common for Native American families to welcome relatives and friends into their home for long or short term stays. This can of course, result in over-crowding but it must be understood that the problem results from an act of compassion and of economic survival, not an act of neglectful omission.
   4. Respect: The Native American community places an enormous amount of respect on their elders. Tribes regularly consult with the elders in the group for important decisions.
   5. Cooperation: There is cooperation with and concern for the group. Competition is not stressed.
   6. Harmony: The Native American cultures place an emphasis on harmony and amity in interpersonal relations. Life is in harmony with nature, not in a conquest over nature.
   7. Spirituality: Although most tribes have their own religious culture, all tribal culture is based on the concept of spirituality. (Harrison et. al., 1990.)
   8. Social Interaction: On a cultural continuum, Native American people tend not to be assertive in social interaction. They are not direct in communication; they are not confrontive.
      1. As compared to the European American's usual way of inter-acting, the Indian may be shy and deferential, especially when in the presence of someone they perceive as an authority.
      2. More often than the Anglo parent, the Native American parent or caretaker may exhibit dysfunctional behavior when confronted with a complaint of child abuse or neglect. (Horejsi et. al., 1992.) It is important not to misread this behavior. See, in last section, reference to the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA).
      3. Given the Native American tradition of non-interference, relatives and friends may be unwilling to talk about the parent or caretaker under investigation. However, individuals may interact with other members of the community to discuss the situation informally, thereby indirectly confronting the issue. The unwillingness to cooperate with an investigator may also be due to the intense fear many Native Americans may have of persons in authority.
   9. Cooperation Level: Passivity is more often a cultural style rather than an indicator of motives or attitude. (Horejsi et. al., 1992.)
      1. In assessing a caretaker's level of cooperation, it is important not to interpret passivity as a lack of interest or an unwillingness to cooperate.
      2. To properly assess the Native American's level of co-operation, it is important to know if the parent was raised in a more traditional manner or if they are on the assimilated end of the bi-cultural continuum. If raised tradition-ally, American Indians may behave as indicated above. This does not mean that they do not care deeply about their child or are not eager to correct the situation. However, if a parent who is culturally assimilated exhibits these same behaviors, the behavior is less likely to be based on cultural experience or values.
   10. Extended Family: The extended family is at the core of tribal culture and tribal life. An awareness of the importance and power of the extended family within Native American cultures is of critical importance. Thus, when assessing the strength of supports to the Native American family, one must think more broadly than would be the case in dealing with the typical nuclear family. The Native American child has many parents and several homes. (Harrison et. al., 1990.) Because of the extended family structure and their method of functioning, professionals who fail to see the value of extensive support systems which aid to protect the family against stress may unfortunately, misinterpret the situation.
   11. Caretaking: Members of the extended family and the Native American community do disapprove of biological parents who avoid their child care responsibilities, but members of the extended family are less judgmental of this biological parent and more willing than the typical European American to assume the care of children.
2. Child Rearing Practices:
   1. Traditional child rearing practices within Native American culture emphasize experiential learning - the child is given considerable freedom to experiment, explore and learn from the consequences, both positive and negative. Children are allowed to develop freely, and to make their own decisions and mistakes. (Dykeman et. al., 1995.) This allows the child to operate semi-independently at an early age. This approach to child rearing has been chastised by European American social service providers because of the appearance that Indian parents exercise minimal observable control over their children and therefore view it as neglectful behavior.
   2. Child rearing responsibilities are shared by numerous caretakers. It is important to realize that numerous adults in the extended family and in the child's immediate environment may be "keeping an eye on the child". Thus, a child getting little supervision from the biological parent or primary caretaker may actually be supervised by one or more close adults.
   3. More than in the dominant society, children are considered to have adult-like decision-making capabilities. Children are respected and given more equal status than children in general society.
   4. There is a strong faith in the spirit's metaphysical power to protect the child from harm. The family views the spirits of the ancestors or other entities as watchful and protective of the child. Many families make offerings to their child's guardian spirit so it will take care of their child.
   5. Children are central to the community. They represent new life and the, continuation and survival of their people.
   6. Grandparents have the special role of passing on cultural values and beliefs. The grand-mother is often a central decision-maker in matters concerning the family and often a key person in the area of child care. (Keep in mind that few, if any, living grandparents escaped the influence of the boarding schools, see excerpt on boarding schools under "Additional cultural factors".)
   7. Education and training is usually not structured, but gained through experience, observing and copying behavior of older siblings and other role models. Tradition, history, and culture are passed on orally.
   8. Given the existence of the extended family structure within the culture, the term "parent" must be looked at somewhat differently. It is common for the Native American child to have many parent figures; grandparents, aunts, uncles, and other relatives expect to have a part in the rearing of children born to relatives. Consequently, these adults are not really parent substitutes. The child belongs to the group, not just the biological parents. It is important to realize that even a group of unrelated adults may function in every way as an extended family. Because of this common structure, it is not usually dangerous for the Native American child to be cared for by a so called "parent substitute" unless that parent substitute is unrelated to the child, not a member of the extended family and has little personal investment in the child's well being.
   9. In a European American family, children can become a target for abuse when the mother's boyfriend views the child(ren) as a competitor for the woman's attention. This form of jealousy or adult-child competition is much less likely to occur within Native American families. Usually, children are readily accepted by the boyfriend or non-biological father in the Native American family. It is important to realize that the denial of paternity is uncommon among Native American men. In fact, several men may voluntarily claim paternity of a child born to an unmarried mother.
   10. Indian child-rearing practices are largely shaped by Indian world views, which regard children as beloved gifts. (Gibbs and Huang, 1990.)
3. Additional cultural factors:
   1. Sovereignty: American Indian people also consider themselves unique due to their political status as independent and individual sovereign nations. Many Americans feel that the "special rights and privileges" accorded to the Indians are due to race and do not under-stand that American Indians' status is due to treaties entered into by the federal and tribal government ceding lands in exchange for goods and services.
   2. Boarding Schools: Many Native American individuals spent most of their formative years in military-style BIA or church-related boarding schools. These schools worked hard at teaching the Native American child the ways of the dominant European American society, and in the process, ridiculed and devalued the child's language, religious beliefs and traditions.
      1. History of abuse: Historically speaking, physical abuse, neglect and sexual abuse of children were rare among Native Americans prior to European colonization. The extended family system common to the culture served as a child protective function.
      2. Traditional methods of child rearing were non-violent. Shaming was used as punishment but hitting was not. Un-fortunately, exposure to European American culture introduced spanking and hitting into some Native families. Many of today's Native American parents and grand-parents were introduced to severe physical discipline and other forms of abuse when they attended boarding school. Recent studies of the boarding school experience indicate that child sexual abuse was wide spread within this institution-like environment.
      3. Individuals who spent many of their formative years in these schools were exposed to child rearing methods that involved hitting and emotional abuse. Thus, when assessing risk, it is important to determine if the parent or caretaker has a history of exposure to the boarding school environment. If so, the risk is probably higher than if the parent was raised more traditionally.
   3. History with the BIA: For historical and cultural reasons, the Native American parent may be extremely fearful of the BIA "social workers" and state child welfare authorities.
      1. Most middle-aged individuals experienced the days of "child snatching": when so many children on reservations were removed from their families and placed in boarding schools or in off-reservation foster homes. Re-member that within the past 30 years there were BIA policies to the effect that once children were placed in foster care, they were not to be reunited with their families. (Horejsi et. al., 1992.)
      2. Given their history of excessive child placement, and also their natural demeanor, some Native American caretakers will be terrified, emotionally distraught and functionally incapacitated when confronted by a child maltreatment investigation. It is important not to mistake what may be a temporary and situational immobilization as a feature of the caretaker's personality. (Horejsi et. al., 1992.)
   4. Environmental condition of the home: An evaluation of the home's structure and physical condition must be placed within a socio-economic context. As a group, Native Americans are economically poor. (Horejsi et. al., 1992.) People with little money are forced by circumstances to live in low rent housing which is often poorly constructed and poorly maintained. By definition, neglect is an act of omission. Neg-ect presumes the parent/caretaker can make needed changes but chooses not to do so. For example, realities such as heating and sewage systems in a state of poor repair are usually beyond the control of the renting parent.
   5. Alcoholism: Alcoholism is a major problem among society as a whole but the introduction of alcohol into Native American society has greatly affected the population. Very few families are not heavily impacted by the problem. Some of the dysfunctional behavioral patterns seen among today's parents, including behaviors of non-drinking parents are related to having grown up in an alcoholic home. (Horejsi et. al., 1992.) Undoubtedly, this wide-spread problem has an effect on the incidence of child abuse and neglect as it would in any other culture. Subsequently, fetal alcohol syndrome or fetal alcohol effects could be a factor in intervention in Native American families.
   6. Casinos: Although many people assume that all Native Americans are making money from casinos owned by the various tribes throughout Minnesota, most individuals do not receive direct payments. Of the approximately 50000 Native Americans in Minnesota, only 700 receive casino payments. (Pioneer Press, November 22, 1992.) Most of the tribes use the money to improve the infrastructure, education, health and welfare of the reservation. The tribes also use the revenue to foster self-determination and self-governance, freeing the tribe from government dependency. This misconception leads to bias and resentment in individuals who feel Indians do not deserve any help, especially monetary. It has also led to poorer tribes having difficulties receiving grants and loans for programming.

All of the cultural factors outlined in the above sections are imperative to, and will impact, a child protection investigation. An assessment can only be as good as the information on which it is based. Insufficient or inaccurate information results in invalid conclusions.

In conclusion

Learning about cultural diversity is a continual process and requires a commitment by all TEAM members and their agencies. Agencies can help by providing training to increase cultural awareness, as well as by choosing to recruit persons of specific cultural

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backgrounds. Representatives from racial and ethnic groups are available to assist in developing a deeper, more accurate awareness of their values. Individual families can also be a resource. As we noted before, a professional should ask the family questions about their cultural values. This interaction promotes the development of a constructive and productive working relationship.

The child care standards of mainstream society can be quite different from those of an individual cultural group. The child protection intervention system should be able to acknowledge and work with cultural differences without condoning practices that are harmful to children and should respond to the needs of the family in a culturally responsive manner.

Dr. Oliver Williams has devised a three-stage model of decision makers which we have adapted to the TEAM context. Here are the stages described by Dr. Williams.

A stage one TEAM member is culturally resistant, although he or she denies being prejudiced. This individual feels no groups deserve "special consideration" and all individuals should assimilate into the "majority" culture. In that sense, divergent cultural norms or values are considered deficits, not strengths, by the stage one TEAM member.

A stage two TEAM member is colorblind. This blindness can be interpreted positively to find common ground between different groups of people. However, color blindness also leads to a denial of the uniqueness among individuals and an assumption that all people have the same experience.

A stage three TEAM member has gained a sense of cultural sensitivity. This individual makes assessments based on humanistic values and consistently tries to keep bias and prejudice in check. This individual is willing to learn from families of other cultures and will seek out the strengths of these groups.

Ideally, every TEAM member has reached a stage three level of awareness. However, by assessing one's own attitudes and learning more about cultural groups and differences, members of a TEAM can reach the highest level of cultural awareness.

All persons have a right to their heritage and their culture. Showing respect to another person's heritage leads to a more effective working relationship with people. Dealing with differences in language can pose special challenges. All agencies should keep lists indicating who can be contacted to provide interpretation services to them when such are needed. The list should give access to individuals who communicate in as many dialects and languages as possible. Colleges and universities are additional sources of information for interpretation and information.

If questions or concerns about cultural diversity do arise in working with a family of color, a child protective services worker, law enforce-ment officer or county attorney may wish to contact the Council of Color that represents that groups of people. You can

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also contact the Ombudspersons for Families offices. The Councils and Ombudspersons are a valuable resource.

Council on Asian-Pacific Mirmesotans University Bank Building, Suite 100 200 University Avenue W. St. Paul, MN 55103 (612) 296-0538

Council on Black Minnesotans Wright Building, Suite 426 2233 University Avenue St. Paul, MN 55103 (612) 642-0811

Minnesota Indian Affairs Council 1450 Energy Park Dr., Room HOW St. Paul, MN 55108 (612) 643-3032

Chicano Latino Affairs Council G4 Department of Administration St. Paul, MN 55103 (612) 296-9587

Ombudspersons for Families 1450 Energy Park Dr. Ste. 106 St. Paul, MN 55108

African American Families

(612) 642-0897 American Indian Families

(612)643-2523 Asian Pacific Families (612) 643-2514 Spanish Speaking Families (612) 643-2537

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Reprinted with permission from:
Reprinted with permission from:
Aronson Fontes, L. (1995). Consider culture in
counseling for sexual abuse. The Family Digest. 8(1).

Counselors who work with victims of sexual child abuse and their families quickly learn that no formula for intervention fits every time. Effective interventions require careful, continual assessment of the abuse, and of responses to the abuse and to our interventions. These responses are partially shaped by the cultures of the client(s) and the treatment providers, and the context of the wider society in which the abuse and the intervention occur.

I encourage you to adopt an ecosystematic approach to sexual abuse which takes into account individual, familial, culture and societal factors. This approach increases our ability to prevent and intervene in sexual abuse with members of a variety of cultural groups, including our own.

Individual, Families, and Culture

Most treatment interventions for sexual abuse are geared toward helping individuals (Fontes, 1993a). This emphasis reflects the high value placed on individualism in Western cultures. It is important, but not sufficient.

In recent years a body of literature has emerged exploring familial aspects of sexual abuse, including discussions of roles and rules in families with incest and the repetition of incest across generations. They are marred by a fair amount of mother blaming. Articles and books have emerged promoting the use of family counseling in cases of sexual abuse, to help families recover from the dual impact of the sexual abuse and the interventions which follow disclosure (Trepper & Barrett, 1989).

The research and clinical literature on sexual abuse severely neglect the impact of ethnic culture and oppression in the occurrence and treatment of sexual abuse. The ethnicity of the people discussed is often not even mentioned, or all-White samples are used. Some groundbreaking research has looked for racial and ethnic differences in the prevalence or effects of sexual child abuse (e.g. Russell, Shurman & Trocki, 1988). The most useful conclusion which can be claimed with certainty is that sexual child abuse affects members of all cultural groups in the United States.

Despite this universal occurrence members of various groups may tend to respond differently to disclosures of abuse by their children. For instance, African American mothers are more likely than White American mothers to believe their daughter's disclosures of sexual abuse (Pierce & Pierce, 1984). Asian American family members are most likely to express suicidal ideation in response to a disclosure (Rao, Di Clemente & Ponton, 1992). Patterns of help seeking after disclosure have also been found to differ

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according to factors including ethnic group membership, socioeconomic status, marital status, and previous experiences with social service systems (Thompson & Smith, 1993). Clearly, these difference responses would affect the impact and meaning of the abuse for the child and the family.

Meaning systems -- not skin color -- define culture. Consider all the messages we receive while growing up about our bodies, virginity, gender roles, sexuality, shame, power and help seeking! These are all highly influenced by our ethnic cultures, as well as our economic class and religion. It is natural, therefore, that there would be some variability by culture in.experiences of sexual abuse and in responses to interventions.

Societal Contexts

Even as we learn to acknowledge the impact of culture on our clients and ourselves, we must also acknowledge that feelings and behaviors may result from experiences of oppression, and not culture per se. For example, if an African-American mother decides not to contact the police about the rape of her child, this decision may stem from knowledge of oppressive police brutality against her group, not a culturally-based reticence. Or if a Mexican-American family fails to show up for a counseling appointment, this may stem from the oppression of poverty which makes childcare and transportation to sessions difficult, not a cultural aversion to therapy. The seeming passivity a Cambodian family shows in permitting authorities to remove a child from their home may be due to disempowering experiences with authorities in Cambodia, Thailand and the U.S., not from cultural fatalism or a lack of concern for the child.

When working with people of a different cultural group it is easy to assume that the behaviors which defy our expectations are cultural, and therefore not easily amenable to change. We must not ignore the systemic variables which may foster or maintain these behaviors. When in doubt, ask both the clients and other cultural informants about the source of the behavior.

Culturally Informed Interventions

In a book which I just edited (Fontes, 1995), authors from nine cultural groups who are experts in treating sexual abuse in their groups offer clear, specific guidelines to enhance our ability to attend to the sexual abuse treatment and prevention needs of diverse peoples. The cultural groups discussed include African Americans, Asian Americans, Cambodians, Puerto Ricans, Seventh Day Adventists, Jews, Anglo-Americans, Gay Males and Lesbians. Here I will summarize in a general way some of their suggestions for counselors who work with diverse families on issues of sexual abuse.

• Make your agency user friendly. Clients must feel welcome, respected and understood. Services, paperwork and outreach must be readily available in the client's language. (Can you imagine being asked to describe a traumatic life event in a language other than your native tongue?). Paperwork should have categories which are inclusive to gay men, lesbians, informal adoptive families, and other family configurations. Services must fit the schedules, finances and geographic location of the population.

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• Do not assume you know the meaning of the abuse. The meaning of the abuse which occurred will vary with many factors including the ethnic culture of the victim. Family members may not agree on the seriousness of the abuse, or the aspect which most deserves therapeutic attention. They may want to focus on loss of virginity, loss of honor, loss of privacy, inability to protect, increased feelings of vulnerability, re-emergent memories of previous traumas, or any number of other possibilities. A Peruvian mother I worked with believed her daughter should marry the man who had raped her to "make things right" after the assault. In the first session with another family, a father whose 17 year-old daughter disclosed having been molested repeatedly by a neighbor was less concerned with these assaults than he was with his suspicion that she had begun having consensual sex with her boyfriend. Failure to tune in to clients' meanings systems can result in premature termination of therapy, or ineffective and even harmful therapy.
• Establish links in the community. Effective family counselors cannot work in a vacuum. Establish ties with child protection professionals, community and religious leaders, spiritual healers, physicians, educators, and others. These people will serve as sources of referrals, and may be able to help you in your work with specific families.
• Know the history and culture of the people you serve. Counselors must understand the background and current living situations of their clients. This knowledge should occur on a broad cultural level (e.g. how did a Southeast Asian community emerge in your city?) as well as on an individual level (how does it happen that a specific Southeast Asian client lives in your city?).
• Make friends. Get to know healthy people from the cultural communities that you serve. This will help you understand which of the behaviors you see are cultural, and which are due to social class or each family or individual's idiosyncratic history. These relationships will also help you assess and take advantage of cultural strengths. Be sure to respect the confidentiality of your clients with these friends, who may be curious.
• Know thyself. Whatever your culture(s), it is important to know what you believe, and how you acquired your beliefs. This will help you avoid imposing your values on others.
• Seek supervision and consultation. Counseling for issues of sexual abuse can be arduous. A variety of people with apparently conflicting goals, including the family, the person who has been victimized, the person who has offended, lawyers, protective workers, police and school personnel, may pull you in different directions. When therapy is a cross-cultural encounter, these complexities increase dramatically. Supportive and knowledgeable supervision or consultation are absolute necessities.
• Advocate for diverse treatment teams. Diverse staff including members of all the major cultures in the area are a great advantage, regardless of whether cultural matching between clients and therapists is employed. A diverse treatment team communicates an openness toward culture which may be key in working in minority communities. Diversifying staff to reflect catchment area has been found to lead to an increased flow of minority clients (Barrera, 1992). A diverse team (in terms of training, age, gender, class, religion, race, ethnicity and sexual orientation) generally increases an agency's ability to generate creative approaches to diverse client experiences. For a team to harvest the greatest benefits from this diversity, team members need contexts in which they can interact and express a range of viewpoints comfortably (Fontes, 1995b).

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• Assess community needs. When I first began to work in rural Western Massachusetts, I was told that my ability to speak Spanish was irrelevant since the agency had no Spanish-speaking clients. However, when word of my presence spread, I was deluged by clients who spoke Spanish only. Assess needs and you shall find them. You are apt to find a cruel lack of services to address the needs of immigrant, deaf, and gay and lesbian clients.
• Quality counts for everyone. In attempting to address the needs of cultural minority groups, agencies sometimes unwittingly provide separate and unequal services. For example, agencies frequently recruit people with undergraduate degrees in psychology or social work from Puerto Rico to work with Latino clients, whereas English-speaking clients are treated by clinicians with graduate degrees and extensive advanced training. The general attitude is, "These people speak the same language, so they can work with their own." Of course, we would not allow just anyone to work as a counselor on issues of sexual abuse simply because they speak English! Professionals must have clinical knowledge, sophistication, and familiarity with issues of sexual abuse, as well as cultural sensitivity. Clients from minority groups are entitled to receive the same quality services as clients from the dominant group.
• Pay careful attention to boundaries. People who have been abused sexually have had their boundaries violated. Members of oppressed groups also experience violations. Do not under any circumstances repeat this. Beyond the obvious injunction against dual relationships, try to allow your clients to shape and set the pace of your work together. At each step of your work, ask yourself and your supervisor, "am I heading in this particular direction for the client's sake of to satisfy my own curiosity of shame or need to comfort?" Pay attention to process as well as content. Frequently ask you clients versions of, "What is it like for you to do this work with me?"
• Stay informed. Issues of sexual abuse and issues of culture are not easily handled with a seat-of-your-pants approach. Seek out opportunities to access new sources of information. Read and attend workshops.
• Keep the faith. Are you depressed or burning out? If you are not able to experience hope in your work, you will not be able to convey optimism to clients who may feel their souls have been crushed by sexual abuse. Many counselors who work with minority clients and with sexual abuse victims are overworked and underpaid, mirroring the oppressive conditions of their clients. Do whatever you need to do to recover you optimism. Suggestions include diversifying your caseload, reducing hours at work, exercising, taking a vacation, switching jobs, and seeking out therapy yourself.

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• Look for strengths. For your own and your clients' sake, note those things which are going well. Small steps toward improved communication, signs of love, lost traditions-these can all be cause for celebration.

References

Barrera, M. (1982). Raza populations. In L.R. Snowden (Ed.), Reaching the underserved: Mental health needs of neglected populations. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Fontes, L. (1993a). Considering culture and oppression: Steps toward an ecology of sexual child abuse. Journal of feminist Family Therapy. 5, (1), 25-54.

Fontes, L. (1993b). Disclosure of sexual abuse by Puerto Rican children: Oppression and cultural barrier. Journal of Child Sexual Abuse. 2, (1), 21-35.

Fontes, L. (1995a). Sexual abuse in nine North American Cultures: Treatment and prevention. Newbury Park: Sage.

Fontes, L. (1995b). Sharevision: Collaborative supervision and self-care strategies for working with trauma. The Family Journal, 3(3).

Pierce, L.H. & Pierce, R.L. (1984). Race as a factor in the sexual abuse of children. Social Work Research and Abstracts. 20, 9-14.

Rao, K., Di Clemente, R.J., Ponton, L.D. (1992). Child sexual abuse of Asians compared with other populations. Journal of American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry. 31(5), 880-886.

Russell, D.E.H., Schurman, R.A. & Trocki, K. (1988). The long-term effects of incestuous abuse: A Comparison of Afro American and White American victims. In G.E.; Wyatt & G.J. Powell (Eds.). The lasting effects of child sexual abuse (pp. 119-134). Newbury Park: Sage.

Thompson, V.S. & Smith, S.W. (1993) Attitude of African American adults toward treatment in cases of child sexual abuse. Journal of Child Sexual Abuse. 2, (1) 5-19.

Trepper, T.S. & Barrett, M.J. (1989). Systemic treatment of incest. New York: Brunner/Mazel.

Lisa Aronson Fontes is Assistant Professor of Family Therapy at Purdue University and author of Sexual Abuse in Nine North American Cultures (Sage).

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